Christian rights or religious rights are terms used primarily in the United States to label conservative Christian political factions characterized by their strong support for conservative social policies. Conservative Christians in principle seek to apply their understanding of Christian teachings into politics and public policy by proclaiming the value of those teachings or by attempting to use them to influence public law and policy.
In the United States, Christian rights are informal coalitions formed around the core of evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics. Christian rights attract additional support from Protestant conservative, Jewish, and Mormon political lines. This movement has its roots in American politics since the 1940s and has been very influential since the 1970s. The effect is interesting, in part, from grassroots activism as well as from a focus on social issues and from the ability to motivate voters around those issues. Christian rights are now well known for advancing conservative social positions on issues including school prayer, intelligent design, embryonic stem cell research, homosexuality, euthanasia, contraception, abortion, and pornography. Although the term Christian rights is most often associated with politics in the United States, similar conservative Christian groups can be found in the political culture of other Christian-majority countries.
Video Christian right
Terminology
Christian rights are "also known as the Right of Christianity" or "Religious Rights", although some consider the right of religion to be "a slightly wider category than the Right Christian".
John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label of religious rights to describe him. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "[t] erms such as 'religious rights' have traditionally been used in a condescending way to demonstrate extremism.The 'conservative evangelical social' phrase is not very interesting, but that's the way to do it. "
Evangelical leaders such as Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have drawn attention to the problem of equating the term Christian rights with the evangelicals. Although evangelicals are the core constituents of Christian rights, not all evangelicals match the description and moreover, some Roman Catholics are also members of the core Christian rights base. The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that religious conservatives can refer to other groups. Mennonites and Amish, for example, are theologically conservative, but no political organization is openly associated with these denominations.
Maps Christian right
History
Patricia Miller states that "the fellowship between evangelical leaders and Catholic bishops has been the basis of Christian rights for nearly twenty years". Since the late 1970s, Christian rights have become an important force both in Republican and American politics when Baptist pastors Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders have begun to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. In response to the revival of Christian rights, the 1980 Republican platform took some of its positions, including dropping support for the Equal Rights Amendment and adding support for the restoration of school prayer. The last two decades have been an important moment in the political debate and at the same time the frame of religious people becomes more politically active within the period labeled New Christian Rights. While the platform also opposes abortion and relies on taxpayer funding restrictions for abortion and passing constitutional amendments that will restore the protection of the right to life for unborn children, it also accepts that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, are divided over this issue. Since around 1980, Christian rights have been linked to several institutions including Moral Majority, Christian Coalition, Family Focus and Family Research Council.
While the influence of Christian rights is usually traced to the 1980 presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues at the Feast of God Himself that it has actually been involved in politics for much of the twentieth century. He also noted that Christian rights had previously allied with the Republican Party in the 1940s to the 1960s on issues such as opposition to communism and defended "a Protestant-based moral order."
Ahead of the 1960 election, Catholics and evangelicals worked against each other, as evangelicals mobilized their troops to defeat Al Smith Catholics in 1928 and John F. Kennedy in 1960. Secularization was seen by Protestants as the greatest threat to values Christianity, however, and in the 1980s, Catholic bishops and evangelicals began cooperating on issues such as abortion.
The Democrats' southern alienation from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of rights, as the counter-culture of the 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration. Moreover, when the Democratic Party is identified with a pro-choice position of abortion and with nontraditional social values, social conservatives join the Republican Party in increasing numbers.
In 1976, US President Jimmy Carter received support from Christians primarily because of his highly acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation does not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of conservative Christians, as reflected in Jerry Falwell's criticism that "Americans have actually stood up and witnessed godless and helpless leaders have brought our nation to descend into the abyss Dead. "
Ability to set
The Christian Right has been involved in the battle of abortion, euthanasia, contraception, pornography, gambling, obscenity, state sanctions in public schools, textbook content, homosexuality and sexual education. The decision of the Supreme Court to make abortion a right protected by the Constitution in 1973 Roe v. Wade is the driving force behind the revival of Christian rights in the 1970s. Changing the political context led to advocacy of Christian Rights for other issues, such as opposition to euthanasia and campaigns for sex education without abstinence.
Ralph Reed, chairman of the Christian Coalition, stated that the 1988 presidential campaign of Pat Robertson was a 'political vessel' that led to the development of Christian Right groups in the United States.
Linda Wertheimer, on the other hand, has suggested that the rise of the New Christian Right Movement is not centered on the issue of abortion, but rejection of Bob Jones University to abide by the Supreme Court of 1971 Green v. Connally decisions that allow the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect fine taxes from private religious schools in violation of federal law. Grassroots activism
Most of the power of Christian rights in the American political system is attributed to the extraordinary level of voter participation in the popular consultation. Voters who live side by side in Christian rights are also highly motivated and motivated to get out of the way about issues they care about. In addition to the high turnout, they can be relied upon to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute lectors. Members of the Christian right are willing to do the election work necessary to see their elected candidates. Because of their high level of devotion, Christian rights do not have to compensate these people for their work.
Political leaders and institutions
Led by advocacy group Robert Grant, Christian Voice, Major Moral Jerry Falwell, Ed McAteer's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson's Family Focus, Paul Weyrich Free Congress Foundation and The Heritage Foundation, and Christian Roottson Broadcasting Network, the new Conservative Right conservative combined politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings. The birthright of New Christianity, however, is usually traced to a meeting in 1979 where evangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create the organization "Moral Majority". In 1979, Weyrich was in discussions with Falwell when he said that there was an "American moral majority" ready to be called for political action. Weyrich later recalled in a 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority," Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization.' "
Weyrich would then engineer a strong unity between Republicans and many culturally conservative Christians. Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelicals and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robison, and Jerry Falwell. Howard Schweber, Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the last two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as prominent figures in the religious conservative movement."
Institutions in the United States
National organization
One of the earliest attempts to bring Christian rights into American politics began in 1974 when Robert Grant, a leader of the early movement, founded American Christian Cause to support Christian ideology in Southern California. Concerned that Christians chose President Jimmy Carter in 1976, Grant expanded his movement and founded Christian Voters to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates. Prior to aligning with Falwell, Weyrich sought an alliance with Grant. Grant and other Christian Voice staff soon set up their main office at Weyrich's Heritage Foundation headquarters. However, the alliance between Weyrich and Grant fell apart in 1978.
In the late 1980s, Pat Robertson founded the American Christian Coalition, building from the 1988 run of the presidency, with Republican activist Ralph Reed, who became a spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the Christian National Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which were distributed to conservative Christian churches, both Protestant and Catholic, with the blessing of Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York. Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence reaching its peak by supporting the election of a conservative Christian for president in 1996. In addition, they have spoken encouraging convergence of conservative Christian ideology with issues politics, such as health, economics, education and crime.
Political activists lobby the Republicans locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations. The newer James Dobson group, Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council at Washington D.C. have great respect from the Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for this ideological problem, Dobson himself was more wary of the political spectrum and many resources of his group devoted to other purposes such as the media. However, as a private citizen, Dobson has expressed his opinion about the presidential election; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican candidate.
In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against the moral absolutist tone of the Christian right leader, arguing for the Republican Platform to emphasize the moral dimensions of abortion rather than placing an emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for Christian rights.
Church partisan activities
Excessive partisan acts by churches may threaten their 501 (c) (3) tax-free status due to the Johnson Amendment to the Internal Revenue Code. In one important example, former pastor of East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone planning to elect Democratic Senator John Kerry should leave the church or repent". The Church then expelled nine members who had chosen Kerry and refused to repent, leading to criticism at the national level. The pastor resigned and the deposed members of the church were allowed to return.
The Defense Fund Alliance embarked on the Pulpit Liberation Initiative in 2008. The ADF stated that "[t] he's Pulpit Freedom Sunday's goal is simple: having the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional - and once and for all eliminates the IRS's ability to censor what the pastor says from the pulpit."
Election activity
Christian organizations sometimes vote to decide which presidential candidates will receive support from Christian rights constituencies. One such poll was taken at the Values ​​Family Meeting Family Research Council. The election success of George W. Bush owed much to his remarkable support of white evangelical voters, comprising 23% of the vote. In 2000 he received 68% of evangelical white votes; in 2004 that percentage went up to 78%.
Education
The Law School Home Defense Association was founded jointly in 1983 by Michael Farris, who later founded Patrick Henry College, and Michael Smith. The organization seeks to challenge laws that serve as a barrier to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize different homeschooling family groups into a cohesive block. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and about 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals.
The main universities related to Christian rights in the United States are:
- Bob Jones University - The Protestant Fundamentalist Institute, founded in 1927.
- Christendom College - a Roman Catholic institution, founded in 1977
- Liberty University - Baptist institution, founded in 1971
- Regent University - Evangelical Christian institution, founded in 1977
Media
The media has played a major role in the awakening of Christian rights since 1920 and continues to be a powerful force for current political Christianity. The role of media for religious rights has influenced in its ability to connect Christian audiences to a larger American culture while at the same time bringing and maintaining religion in the game both as a political and cultural force. The Christian rights agenda has been disseminated to the public through various media channels including radio, television and literature broadcasts.
Religious broadcasting began in 1920 through radio. Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for Christian rights to influence the public through performances such as Pat Robertson The 700 Club and The Family Channel. The Internet also helps Christian rights reach a much larger audience. The organization's website plays a strong role in popularizing the rights of Christians on cultural and political issues, and informs interested audiences about how to engage. The Christian Coalition, for example, has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members.
Views
Education
Christian rights has a strong opinion of how American children should be educated.
Christian rights strongly advocate for educational choice systems, using school voucher systems, not public education. Vouchers will be funded by the government and redeemable at "the maximum amount determined per child per year if spent on approved education services". This method will allow parents to determine which schools their children attend while reducing the economic burdens associated with private schools. This concept is popular among the constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism.
Evolution
Christian rights in the United States generally promote the teaching of creationism and intelligent design as opposed to, or together, biological evolution. Some supporters of Christian rights have opposed the teaching of evolution in the past, but they lack the ability to stop it taught in public schools as it did during the Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee, where a science teacher continues his experiment to teach on the subject of evolution in public schools. "Other Christian right organizations support the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools," in particular promoting theistic evolution (also known as evolutionary creationism) in which God is considered the originator of the process.
Members and organizations related to Christian rights, such as the Discovery Institute, created and popularized the modern concept of intelligent design, which became widely known only by the publication of the book of Of Pandas and People in 1989. The Discovery Institute, through the initiative their intelligent design called the Science and Culture Center , has endorsed the teaching of the controversial approach. Such an approach will ensure that the strengths and weaknesses of the theory of evolution are addressed in the curriculum. This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III at Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District , describing it as "the most dishonest, and the worst canard." The majority of scientific research, both in the United States and elsewhere, has concluded that the theory of evolution, using the technical definition of word theory, is the only viable explanation of the development of life, and the vast majority of biologists. supporting his presentation in the public school science class. Outside the United States, as well as among American Catholics and mainline Protestants, Christian conservatives have generally accepted the theory of evolution.
Sexual education
Some Christian groups advocate the abolition of sex education literature from public schools, for parents to opt out of comprehensive sex education, or for unprincipled sex education. Thirty percent of American sexual education programs do not abstain. These programs promote abstinence until marriage as the only way to prevent pregnancy, sexually transmitted diseases and the emotional problems that can arise from sexual activity. There is no evidence to support the effectiveness of sex education without abstinence; some research failed to find any benefit, and even found that it might be dangerous. It has proven to be ineffective in reducing HIV risk in developed countries. Likewise, it does not reduce the level of sexual activity or unplanned pregnancy when compared to comprehensive sex education.
Schooling
Christian rights promote homeschooling and private schools as a valid alternative to public education for parents who object to content taught in schools. In recent years, the percentage of home-schooled children has risen from 1.7% of the student population in 1999 to 2.2% in 2003. Much of this increase has been attributed to the desire to incorporate Christian teachings into in the curriculum. In 2003, 72% of parents who went to school at their children's home mentioned the ability to give religious or moral teachings as an excuse to exclude their children from public schools. Case Kitzmiller v. The Dover Area School District determined that creationism can not be taught in public schools, and in response, officials increasingly use public funds for charter schools that teach curriculum like Accelerated Christian Education.
Government role
Christian rights advocates do not have an integrated attitude about the role of government because this movement is primarily one that supports social conservatism; in fact, "the struggle [has] broken out in the party organizations of the state" between the supporters of Christian rights and other conservatives. It promotes the conservative interpretation of the Bible as the basis for moral values ​​and enforces those values ​​by law. Some members of the Christian rights, especially Catholics, receive a strong Catholic Church support for the union.
Separation of church and state
The Christian right believes that the separation of church and state is not explicit in the Constitution of America, believes that such a separation is a creation of what it claims to be an activist judge in the judicial system. In the United States, Christian rights often support their claims by asserting that the country was "founded by Christians as a Christian nation." Members of the Christian right take the position that the Establishment Clause prohibits the federal government from forming or sponsoring a state church (for example, the Church of England), but not preventing the government from recognizing religion. Christian rights shows that the term "separation of church and state" comes from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson, not of the Constitution itself. Furthermore, the Alliance Defense Fund takes the view that the concept of "separation of church and state" has been used by the American Civil Liberties Union and its allies to impede public recognition of Christianity and restrict Christian religious freedom.
Thus, true Christian leaders argue that the Clause of Establishment does not prohibit the display of religion in the public sphere. Therefore, leaders believe that public institutions should be allowed, or even required, to display the Ten Commandments. This interpretation has been repeatedly rejected by the court, which has found that the display violates the Establishment Clause. Public officials are even prohibited from using their authority where the main effect is "promoting or forbidding religion", according to Lemon Supreme Court tests, and there can be no "overlap with religion" and government. Some, such as Bryan Fischer of the American Family Association, argue that the First Amendment, which specifically limits Congress, applies only to Congress and not to states. This position rejected the merger of the Bill of Rights.
Generally, Christian rights support the presence of religious institutions in government and the public sphere, and support fewer restrictions on government funding for religious and school charities. Both Catholic and Protestant, according to a 2005 Gallup study, have supported school prayers in public schools.
Economy
Early American fundamentalists, such as John R. Rice often liked the laissez-faire economy and the overt critics of New Deal and then the Great Society. Contemporary Christian rights support conservative economic policies such as tax cuts and conservative social policies such as child tax credits.
Middle East
Many evangelical Protestant advocates of religious rights have provided very strong support to the state of Israel in recent decades, encouraging support for Israel in the United States government. Some people connect Israel with biblical prophecy; for example, Ed McAteer, founder of Moral Majority, said, "I believe that we see prophecy revealed so quickly and dramatically and amazingly and, without exaggeration, makes me out of breath."
Abortion and contraception
The Christian right opposes abortion, believes that life begins at conception and abortion is murder. Therefore, those who move have worked towards the somersaults of Roe v. Wade , and has also supported additional steps to make abortion less available. These include late-term abortion restrictions (including dilatation and full extraction), a ban on Medicaid funding and other public funding for elective abortion, abolition of taxpayer funding for Planned Parenthood and other organizations providing abortion services, laws requiring consent parent or notice for abortion committed to minors, legal protection for victims of unborn violence, legal protection for live-born infants after abortion failures, and abortifacient drug prohibitions.
Christian rights state that morning-after pill such as Plan B and Ella are possible abortifacients, may impair the implantation of fertilized eggs in the uterine wall. The labels mandated by the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for Plan B and Ella state that they may interfere with implantation, but according to an article in June 2012, many scientists believe that they work only by interrupting ovulation and arguing to ask for an implantation language of the product label. Christian rights maintain that the chemical properties of morning-after pill make them abortifacients and that political abortion affects scientific judgment. Jonathan Imbody of the Christian Medical Association said he questioned "whether ideological considerations drive this decision." In particular, many Catholic members, as well as some conservative Protestant members, of Christian rights have campaigned against contraception altogether.
Environment
According to some social studies studies, Christians and members of Christian rights are usually less concerned about environmental responsibility issues than the general public.
Biotechnology
Because of the Christian right view of ethics and so far as the negative eugenics view is common to most ideologies in North America, it has worked for regulation and limitation of certain applications of biotechnology. In particular, Christian rights are against therapeutic and reproductive human cloning, fighting for a 2005 UN ban on human embryonic stem cell practice, and research, involving the extraction of one or more cells from human embryos. Christian rights support research with adult stem cells, amniotic stem cells, and pluripotent stem cells that do not utilize cells from human embryos, since they see biological material taking from embryos that do not have the ability to grant permission as an attack on living things.
Christian rights also oppose euthanasia, and, in one published case, take an active role in seeking government intervention to prevent Terri Schiavo from malnutrition and hydration.
Sex and sexuality
The modern roots of Christian views on sexual matters were evident in the 1950s, a period in which many Christian conservatives in the United States view sexual intercourse as not only excessive, but actually as a threat to their ideal vision of the state. Beginning in the 1970s, conservative Christian protests against association began to emerge, largely in reaction to the "permissiveness of the sixties" and the emergence of sexual rights arising from Roe v Wade and the gay rights movement. Christian rights began to make sexuality a priority political issue.
The Christian right champion himself is "the self-appointed American conscience". During the 1980s, the movement was largely dismissed by mainstream politicians and religious leaders as "a gathering of fanatical fans". Then, he reappears, more organized and more focused, takes a firm position against abortion, pornography, sexual deviance, and extreme feminism. Starting from the Presidency of Donald Trump, Christian conservatives have refrained from engaging in the debate on sexual morality.
The influential Christian rights organizations at the forefront of the anti-gay rights movement in the United States include Family Focus, Family Research Council and Family Research Institute. An important strategy in Christian right-wing anti-gay politics is its rejection of the "decision of a Big Brother" state, allowing it to take advantage of "a general feeling of discontent and demoralization with the government". As a result, Christian rights have legitimized the smaller government, limiting its ability to arbitrate in disputes over values ​​and traditions. In this context, gay rights laws have symbolized government "interference" that is supposedly unconstitutional with individual freedom ".
The main teachings from Focus on the Family and similar organizations, such as Family Research Council, emphasize issues such as abortion and the need for gender roles. A number of organizations, including the New Christian Right, "in various ways reject liberal America for the regulation of pornography, anti-abortion laws, the criminalization of homosexuality, and the goodness of loyalty and faithfulness in sexual relations", according to sociologist Bryan Turner.
A large number of Christians view same-sex marriage as a central issue in cultural warfare, more than any other gay rights issue and even more significant than abortion. Legalization of same-sex marriage in Massachusetts in 2004 changed Christian rights, causing her to place her opposition to this marriage above most other issues. It also created previously unknown racial and ecumenical coalitions, and encouraged new election activities in pastors and congregations.
Criticism
Criticisms of Christian rights often come from Christians who believe that Jesus' message is centered on social responsibility and social justice. Theologian Michael Lerner has summarized: "The Unholy Alliance of Political Rights and Religious Rights threatens to destroy our beloved America and also threatens to evoke disgust for God and religion by identifying them with militarism, ecologically irresponsible, fundamentalist antagonism to science and rational thinking, and insensitivity to the needs of the poor and helpless. "Commentators from all sides of the aisle such as Rob Schenck, Randall Balmer and Charles M. Blow criticized Christian rights for tolerance and embraced Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential election despite the failure Trump to adhere to one of the principles advocated by the Christian Right Group for decades.
Interpretation of Christianity
One argument that questions the legitimacy of Christian rights states that Jesus Christ can be regarded as left in the modern political spectrum. Jesus' concern for the poor and feeding of the hungry is, among other things, argued, by advocates of the Christian left, to be the core attribute of modern socialism and social justice. However, others argue that while Jesus' concern for the poor and hungry is virtuous, and that the individual has a moral obligation to help others, it does not mean that the government has one.
Some criticize what they see as the politicization of Christianity because they say Jesus goes beyond our political concepts.
Mikhail Gorbachev calls Jesus "the first socialist".
Race and diversity
Christian rights have tried to recruit social conservatives in black churches. Before the 2016 US presidential election, Ben Carson emerged as a leader in Christian rights.
LGBT Rights
While Christian rights in the United States make a strong stand on the development of LGBT rights, other Christian movements have taken a softer approach to this problem, arguing that biblical texts are only opposed to different types of sexual behavior, such as paederasti. (ie sodomizing young boys by older men). During the Trump Administration, there is a growing impetus for "religious freedom bills" which will allow individuals and businesses who claim anti-LGBT beliefs that are of religion to break free from abiding by anti-discrimination laws intended to protect LGBT people.
Use of dominionism label
Some social scientists have used the word "dominionism" to refer to the observance of Dominion Theology and also the influence in the wider Christian Rights of the ideas inspired by Dominion Theology. Although such influences (especially Reconstruction) have been described by many writers, adherents to Reconstructionism are few and marginalized among conservative Christians. In the early 1990s, sociologist Sara Diamond defines dominionism in his PhD dissertation as a movement which, while including Dominion Theology and Reconstructionism as a subset, is much broader in scope, extends to many Christian rights. He was followed by journalists including Frederick Clarkson and Chris Hedges and others who have emphasized the influence of the Dominionist idea on Christian rights.
The terms "dominionist" and "dominionism" are rarely used for self-description, and their use has been attacked from some circles. Journalist Anthony Williams alleged that his goal was to "dissolve the Republic Party as a party of the domestic Theocracy, the damn facts." Stanley Kurtz calls this "conspiracy bullshit," "political paranoia," and "guilty by association," and denounces Hedges' "vague characterization" that enables him to "paint a highly questionable picture of the almost faceless" Dominionist "Christian masses and nameless. "Kurtz also complained about the perceived relationship between the average Christian evangelist and extremism such as Christian Reconstruction:
The idea that conservative Christians want to reintroduce slavery and rule with the genocide is not just insane, it's really dangerous. The most disturbing part of Harper's cover story (which by Chris Hedges) is an attempt to connect Christian conservatives with Hitler and fascism. Once we acknowledge the similarity between conservative and fascist Christians, Hedges seems to suggest that we can face Christian evil by setting aside 'the old rules of polite democracy'. So the wild conspiracy theories and the vision of genocide are the reason for the Left to ignore the rules of democracy and defeat conservative Christians - in whatever way it takes.
Lisa Miller of Newsweek says that many of the warnings about "dominionism" are "paranoid" and that "the word creates a siege mentality in which 'we' need to be wary of 'them.'" Ross Douthat from The The New York Times notes that "many people who writers like Diamond and others describe as 'dominionists' will deny the label, many definitions of dominionism unite some very different Christian theologies, and there is a lively debate about what the term is even useful at all. "According to Joe Carter of First Things ," the term was coined in 1980 by Diamond and never used outside liberal blogs and websites.No leading experts use the term that for it is the innocent neologism that Diamond concocted for his dissertation, "while Jeremy Pierce of First Things created the word" dominionismist "to describe those who prompted suggest the idea that there is a dominionist conspiracy.
Other critics focus on using the right term. Berlet writes that "some of the criticisms of Christian Rights have extended its past dominionism to its culminating point," and argue that, rather than conservative labels as extremists, it would be better to "talk to these people" and "engage them." Sara Diamond writes that "[l] the liberal text of the Christianity takeover plan in general has taken the form of conspiracy theory", and argues that instead people should "analyze the subtle ways" that ideas like Dominionism "take in movement and why. "
And Olinger, a professor at Bob Jones fundamentalist University in Greenville, South Carolina, said, "We want to be good citizens and participants, but we're not really interested in using a legal iron hand to force people to everything Christian must do." Bob Marcaurelle, temporary priest of the Mountain Springs Baptist Church in Piedmont, said that the Middle Ages were sufficient evidence that Christian ruling groups were almost always undermined by power. "When Christian becomes government, whose question is Christian who?" Marcaurelle asked.
Movements outside the United States
While Christian Right is a strong movement in the United States, he is also present in Canada. Alan Curtis pointed out that American Christian rights "is a phenomenon that is very difficult for Europeaners to understand." Robin Pettitt, a professor at Kingston University London, stated that, like Christian rights in the US, the Christian Democratic movement in Europe and Latin America is "equally driven by debates about the role of state and church in politics, social life and morals."
Canada
Religion had been a key factor in Canadian politics since before the Canadian Confederation in 1867, when the Conservatives were the traditionalist and Anglicanist Catholic party and the Liberals were a party of Protestant and Catholic anti-religious dissenters. This pattern remained largely until the mid-twentieth century when a new division emerged among left Christians (represented by philosophy of Social and ecumenical gospel) and Christian rights (represented by biblical fundamentalism and literalism). Left Christians (along with secular and anti-religious left) became supporters of the New Democratic Party while the right to move to the Social Credit Party, especially in Western Canada, and to a lesser extent the Progressive Conservative.
The Social Credit Party, founded in 1935 represents a major change in Canadian religious politics. Until then, fundamentalists have moved away from politics as "worldly", and a diversion from proper religious practice. However, the new party was founded by fundamentalist radio preachers and Bible school teachers William Aberhart or "Bill of the Bible". Aberhart mixed his scriptural and prophetic interpretations with the theory of monetary reform of social credits to create a sweeping movement of Alberta, winning the election of the 1935 province in a landslide. Aberhart and his student Ernest Manning later ruled the province for the next forty years, attempting several times to expand throughout Canada. In 1987 Manning's son, Preston Manning, founded the new Canadian Reform Party, soon to become the main party of religious rights. He won a majority of seats in Western Canada in repeated elections, but could not break through in eastern Canada, although it became the official opposition from 1997 to 2003 (the Reformation was renamed the Canadian Alliance in 2000). In 2003, the Canadian Alliance and Progressive Conservatives joined forces to create the Conservative Party of Canada, led by Stephen Harper, a member of the Christian Alliance and Missionaries, who later became prime minister in 2006.
Canada has had the Charter of Rights and Freedoms since the Canadian Constitution was negotiated in 1982. As a result, there have been major changes in the application of laws to issues relating to the rights of individual groups and minorities. Abortion is fully criminalized after two cases of R. v. Morgentaler (in 1988 and 1993). A series of provincial high court decisions allowing same-sex marriages led to the federal government introducing laws that introduced same-sex marriage across Canada. Former Conservative Prime Minister Stephen Harper stated before taking office that he would hold a free vote on the matter, but declared the issue closed after a vote in the House of Commons in 2006.
Latin America
Christian rights politics in Latin America is closely linked to the evolving evangelical Christian community. Catholics in Latin America although usually socially conservative tend to be more left-leaning in economics because of the traditional teachings of Catholic social doctrine. Evangelical Christians on the other hand are largely derived from the neo-Pentecostal movement and thus believe in Welfare Theology which justifies most of their neo-liberal economic ideas. They are also very socially conservative even to Latin American standards.
Some examples of this movement include support from the Evangelical Christian community to Jimmy Morales (himself an evangelical) in Guatemala, Juan Orlando Hernóndez in Honduras, Mauricio Macri in Argentina SebastiÃÆ'¡n PiÃÆ' Â ± era in Chile and (apart from wing attitude) Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. The Evangelical Opposition in a referendum on the Colombian peace treaty is considered to be of much importance in its rejection, in favor of Evangelical parties to the impeachment of Dilma Rousseff in Brazil. Countries with renowned right-wing conservative parties supported by Evangelicals include Venezuela where pastor Javier Bertucci is the third nominee nominee, Costa Rica where the preacher and Gospel singer Fabricio Alvarado goes into elections and Brazil with rightwing candidate Jair Bolsonaro. The Social Conflict Party in Mexico is also associated with the Mexican Evangelical Community but the Mexican Constitution prohibits the existence of confessional parties. PES supports candidate AndrÃÆ'Â © s Manuel LÃÆ'³pez Obrador for Mexico's general election, 2018.
Dutch
In the Netherlands the Protestant Calvinists have long had their own political parties, now called Reformed Political Parties (SGP) on the right, and ChristianUnion (CU) at the center. For generations they operated their own newspapers and broadcasting associations. SGP has about 28,000 members, and three members of parliament, of 150. It always goes against the government. SGP has assisted the Dutch government to obtain legislation through the Second Chamber 2010-2012. Instead the government did not increase the number of Sundays on which shopping is allowed.
Other countries
In Northern Ireland, Ian Paisley leads the Protestant fundamentalist party, the Democratic Unionist Party, which has a profound influence on provincial culture. Karen Armstrong has named British evangelist Colin Urquhart as an advocacy position similar to Christian Rights. Some members of the Conservative Party also support some values ​​of Christian rights.
In Australia, fundamentalist Christians are the basis for Fred Nile and his Christian Democratic Party and the First Family Party. Nile in 1967-68 was Assistant Director of the Billy Graham Crusade in Sydney. Both sides promote social conservatism, opposing gay rights and abortion. Some party members from the Liberal and National Coalition and the Australian Labor Party also support some of the rights of Christians about abortion and gay rights. The Christian lobby of Australia argues for opposing same-sex marriage in state and federal politics.
In the Philippines, due to Spanish colonization, and the introduction of the Catholic Church, religious conservatism has a strong influence on national policy. Some argue that US Christian rights may have borrowed the beliefs of the Philippine religious conservatism.
The Swiss Federal Democratic Union is a small conservative Protestant party with about 1% of the vote.
In Scandinavia, the Party Center is a Bible-oriented fundamentalist party; has about 4% of the votes in the Faroe Islands. However, the Norwegian Christian Peoples Party, the Christian Democrats of Sweden and the Danish Christian Democrats are less orthodox and similar to the Christian Democracy of Europe in general.
In Fiji, Sodelpa is a conservative nationalist party that seeks to make Christianity a state religion, while the constitution makes Fiji a secular republic. After the 2014 general election, Sodelpa is the main opposition party in Parliament.
In Brazil, the evangelical bloc has great influence in parliament and in society at large. The block promotes strong conservative social positions, such as opposition to abortion, lgbt rights, legalization of marijuana, sexual and gender education in schools and support to reduce the baby's defense age. The Republicans, the Republicans of Brazil and the Christian Social Party are the main parties of the bloc, but except for left-wing and far-left parties with strong progressive social beliefs such as Labor or Socialism and the Liberty Party, conservative Christians can found in all political parties in Brazil. In 2016, Marcelo Crivella, a licensed pentecostal priest of the Universal Church of God's Kingdom, won in the electoral abode of Rio de Janeiro's mayor, Brazil's second largest city, with the Republic of Brazil, making for the first time a mayor of evangelical members of a major city in Brazil.
Christian rights have a strong position in some Conservative parties around the world, although many members of this party also, paradoxically, strongly oppose such views.
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Source of the article : Wikipedia
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